Forum Droghe is an association both of individuals and various organizations involved in the reform of drug policies, harm reduction in particular. Forum Droghe also promotes research about the evaluation of the impact of drug legislation on the prison and justice systems.

El Forum Droghe es una asociación de organizaciones que trabajan sobre las drogas en Italia.

Forum Droghe est une association d’organisations travaillant sur la drogue en Italie.

Forum Droghe

A new law, that came into effect in December, criminalised “illegal rave parties” in Italy. We interviewed Susanna Ronconi from Forum Droghe, an organisation that opposes the law on human rights and public health grounds.

The Italian parliament passed a law against rave parties, introducing a new criminal offence of organising an illegal rave party. Why has the government decided that it has to criminalise this and why now?

 When the government approved the d.l. (decree law) n. 162/22 of 31.10.22 (now, after the vote at the end of December, law n.199/2022, Art. 633 -bis), the decision was not based on any kind of social or health or safety alarm.

WitchTek 2022, the Halloween free party self-organised (without formal authorisation by the local public authorities) on the 29th October for the third successive year by some Italian crews near the city of Modena, was going on in a safe and quiet way. The location was an industrial shed abandoned for years, in the open countryside, with no impact on local residents or the environment. Harm reduction teams from different regions were on the spot to make the setting safer, through information, chill out zones, drug checking, and aid where needed, in collaboration with the Public Health emergency units.

No violence nor any negative incident occurred. So much so that local authorities and local police only controlled the situation discreetly, without any direct intervention, as often happens in Italy in similar cases.

On the contrary, the government (Interior Minister Matteo Piantedosi, a member of Meloni’s party) on the 30th October decided that the event had to be immediately blocked, participants dispersed, and the building cleared out, sending hundreds of policemen in riot gear to the scene. Fortunately, his order was not implemented: the city Mayor and the local police decided to take their time and negotiated for a peaceful evacuation.

Simultaneously Piantedosi announced the immediate proposal introducing a new article of the Penal Code to “fill a regulatory gap” in order to be more effective in repressing free parties. Within 24 hours, on the 31st October, the new article was ready to be discussed at the Ministers Council, as an absolute political priority.

The reason for this decision was to give a strong signal, a sort of ‘political identity’ to prove that the right is able to use their iron fist against illegal behaviours: the second act, just on the same decree-law, was to block NGO ships which save migrants in the Mediterranean Sea, preventing the disembarkation in a safe Italian harbour. Of course the illegal behaviours included in the decree-law don’t deal with corruption, tax evasion, or human rights violations….

The Italian anti-rave law violates human rights – Interview with Susanna Ronconi

The first three measures by the new Meloni government, the right-centre coalition which won the 25 September elections, have been a) to block the reform promoted by the Parliament to mitigate the harsher norms which regulate life prison sentences and other juridical innovations b) to block NGOs ships which save migrants in the Mediterranean sea, preventing disembarkation in a safe Italian harbour and c) to introduce a new norm in the penal code which 

On the 29th October more than 3.000 people met near Modena (northern Italy, Emilia Romagna region), coming from all over the country and also from other European countries, for the 

, the Halloween free party self-organized (without formal authorization by the local public authorities) for the third year by some Italian crews. The location was an industrial shed abandoned for years, in the open countryside, out of the city, with no real impact on local residents or the environment (the only inconveniences for people were some roadblocks by the police). People wished as usual to listen to music and to dance and, yes, also use drugs, up until the 1st November, thanks to free access to the event and self-organization. Some Harm reduction teams coming from different regions were on the spot to make the setting safer, through information, chill out, drug checking and first aid if necessary, in collaboration with the Public Health emergency units. No violence nor any type of incident occurred. Everything was proceeding in a safe and peaceful way.

Nevertheless, on the 30th October the new Interior Minister, Matteo Piantedosi, decided that the event had to be immediately blocked, participants dispersed and the building cleared out, sending hundreds of policemen in riot gear to the scene. Simultaneously with this order, Piantedosi announced the immediate proposal of introducing a new article of the Penal Code to “fill a regulatory gap” in order to be more effective in repressing free parties. In just 24 hours, on the 31st October, the new article was ready to be discussed at the Ministers Council, as an absolute political priority.

Fortunately, Piantedosi’s order was not implemented: the city Mayor and the local police decided to take time and negotiated for a peaceful evacuation without breaking into the shed, and the crews and the participants were willing to negotiate too, to avoid any risk of violence by the police and a hard conflict. The evacuation occured without any incident. Participants renounced the last night of music and dance, collected rubbish, cleaned the shed, then left Modena in dribs and drabs.

Nevertheless, they paid a high price: 1,380 people and 337 cars were identified and registered by the police, 25 Dutch people expelled, 14 organizers reported to the judicial authority, 14 sound systems seized for a total amount of 150,000 euros.

It is not the first time that in Italy the crews that organize free parties have been sanctioned: notwithstanding raves would be primarily considered as cultural and social events self-organized outside of a commercial dimension, and not as crimes, promoters have often had to deal with the penal code, mostly with regard to offences against private property, when they occupy private buildings or lands, and with other administrative norms which regulate public events. None of these norms, have ever been able to stop or prevent rave parties: the lesson learned over so many years is that repression is not effective against events which are so deeply rooted in peoples’ culture and social rituals, and the effects of repression could be only to increase the clandestine nature of the event and subsequent risks for participants’ health and safety.

Against any evidence, Piantedosi’s perspective is to increase repression, fulfilling the so called “regulatory gap” through a norm specifically addressed to raves.

The d.l. (decree law) n. 162/22 of 31.10.22 introduces a new article (art. 434-bis Penal Code, 

https://www.fuoriluogo.it/speciali/rave/norme-contro-i-rave-il-testo-del-decreto-legge/

invasion of lands or buildings to hold events dangerous for public order, or public safety or public health

This shifts the supposed offences related to raves from the Penal Code section dealing with 

 to the one dealing with major crimes such as 

slaughter, fire, flood, train wreck, explosive manufacture

The sanctions provided to organizers are 

Also, participants can be sanctioned with 

Furthermore, the proposal establishes a change in the Anti-Mafia law, in order to extend 

The consequence of this measure by the government on a juridical level is to exclude rave organizers from some extenuating circumstances and alternatives to prison related to minor crimes, due to the very high maximum penalty. Also, the very generic formulation of 

events dangerous for public order, or public safety or public health

 carries a high risk of criminalizing not only every kind of free party but also many other kinds of social events. Finally, it is most likely to be anti-constitutional (art 17, freedom of assembly), as there are many circumstances in which previous permission for public events by the local authorities is not required.

From a social, political and symbolic perspective, this new crime asserts that a rave party is anyway and always and primarily a danger for participants and for the community. This orients public opinion in supporting the repressive choice, also thanks to a strong and persuasive mass media campaign based on fake and manipulated communication. The use of drugs during these events is emphasised, showed as incontrollable and represented in a distorted way.

In presenting his law, Minister Piantedosi said that in many European countries rave parties are sanctioned, even if, on the contrary, it is really difficult to find such harsh measures in any other European legal regulation.

The Decree law is in force since 1st November. It must be discussed, possibly emended and approved by the Parliament by the end of December. If it is not approved it will expire. The government itself is working on some changes, considering the numerous criticisms from a juridical perspective, which may lead to its rejection by the Parliament.

A broad and plural movement is opposed to the new ‘rave crime’.

Many CSOs, professionals, PWUDs organizations, harm reduction teams, people from the world of culture and policy are taking a position against it and asking for the new law to be annulled.

Many jurists support the hypothesis of the anti-constitutionalist basis of this proposed law and many others contest the violation of the fundamental principle of proportionality of penalties.

CSOs and harm reduction professionals are going to inform and sensitize policy makers who will have the responsibility to vote for or against the new law in Parliament, about what a free party is, the possibility to promote participants health and wellbeing during such events thanks to an effective harm reduction and risks limitation system of interventions, the evidence-based failure of the repressive approach, the rights to assembly and associations and the fight against stigma. Also, a widespread information campaign with the media is going on, considering the impressive amount of fake news concerning free parties.

Great attention is also being paid to the risk that such a norm may include many other public events, such as social demonstrations and political protests, thus limiting the freedom of all citizens. This is of course a crucial point, but CSOs, PWUDs and Harm reduction professionals will need to be on guard that in defending other kinds of public events and freedom, rave parties do not become the ‘sacrificial victim’ of an unacceptable mediation.

Follow the ‘rave crime’ developments on Forum Droghe website,

Italian government moves to criminalise rave parties

Civil society organisations sent an open letter to the EU Commission to criticise the new call for drug policy grant proposals that almost only focuses on law enforcement and excludes harm reduction.

Since the Drug Unit of the EU Commission was relocated to the Internal Security Department, civil society has been concerned about the continuous shifting of its approach towards a more repressive, law-and-order direction from a balanced, integrated model of drug policies.

The new call for proposals launched by the Commission is another step in this direction. Unlike the previous EC JUST drug policy grant calls, this funding mechanism almost only focuses on supply reduction. From its four objectives, three focuses on improving supply reduction, it has only one objective on drug prevention – while harm reduction is completely missing.

Correlation – European Harm Reduction Network (C-EHRN), an umbrella of European harm reduction organisations (Rights Reporter Foundation, the organisation operating this website, is a Steering Committee member) sent an open letter to Ilva Johanson, Commissioner of Home Affairs, and Fiona Sipala, the head of the Drug Unit of the EC, to address this issue.

“We write to you on behalf of Correlation – European Harm Reduction Network (CEHRN), representing 158 civil society organisations (CSO) working in the area of harm reduction drug policy in Europe. C-EHRN is part of Foundation De Regenboog Groep and, as such, is also represented in the EU Civil Society Forum on Drugs.

Together with the undersigned networks, we would like to express our concern and disappointment with the current call of the Internal Security Grant concerning better law enforcement in the area of illicit drug trafficking. We believe this call does not reflect the principles of an evidence-based, integrated, balanced and multidisciplinary approach to the drugs phenomenon and is not in line with the Drug Strategy of the European Union. The call has a narrow focus on law enforcement interventions, with no objectives to improve complex public health and social services, including harm reduction.

For several years, the members and organisations we work with have benefited from the EC JUST Drug Policy grants launched by the European Commission. These grants demonstrated the balanced, evidence-based and multidisciplinary approach to drug policies in accordance with the core principles of the European Union. They provided an excellent opportunity for civil society organisations working in the field of drugs to cooperate internationally and exchange knowledge and good practices.
When the Drugs Unit was moved from the Justice Department to the Internal Security Department, civil society organisations were promised that this would not affect the balanced and multidisciplinary approach to drug policies of the EU Commission.
However, the apparent shift towards law enforcement and crime prevention proves different – with social and public health aspects slipping off the agenda.

The Internal Security call lays only limited emphasis on drug demand reduction and none at all on harm reduction. At the same time, no other EU Programme took over this responsibility, leaving drug demand and harm reduction behind, without any opportunity for EU funding and support.

This is an extremely concerning development. EU funding has become increasingly important in recent years because of the emerging funding crisis for harm reduction, especially in the Eastern part of the European Union. Since the 2008 economic crisis, funding for harm reduction has constantly been declining in most Member States.

Several essential services operated by CSOs have been closed down or curtailed due to budget cuts and the retreat of international donors.

On top of the funding crisis, CSOs experience a shrinking space for civil society in several Member States, where governments are increasingly hostile to those organisations that receive international funding or work with marginalised groups of society. With decreasing national and local funds, direct funding from the European Commission was often the only funding opportunity to improve advocacy and innovation in the harm reduction field for many organisations. This opportunity is now lost.

DG Home is the department within the EC responsible for developing and implementing a balanced, integrated and evidence-based EU Drug Policy. Such a balanced approach requires that funding mechanisms are available for all drug policy areas and not only for law enforcement and crime prevention programmes.

We, therefore, call upon the European Commission and DG Home to reinstall the funding mechanism for drug demand and harm reduction to ensure a balanced and evidence-based drug policy also in the future.

We look forward to your response and hope for your continued support for civil society in the area of drug policy and harm reduction.”

Drug Policy Network South East Europe [DPNSEE]

EU HIV/AIDS, Viral Hepatitis and Tuberculosis Civil Society Forum

Eurasian Harm Reduction Association [EHRA]

European Network of People Who Use Drugs [EuroNPUD]

Federation des Acteurs en Education en Promotion de la Sante de Guyane [AGRRR] International Drug Policy Consortium [IDPC]

International Network of People Who Use Drugs [INPUD]

Youth Organizations for Drug Actions [YODA]

Civil society demands balanced EU funding for drug policies

To: Ms Ghada Waly, Executive Director, United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime

Subject: Open letter on UNODC statement on International Human Rights Day 2021

We urge you to mark International Human Rights Day 2021 by calling on Member States to change drug policies and practices that violate human rights and perpetuate inequality and discrimination.

We are writing to you ahead of International Human Rights Day 2021, which will take place on the 10th December amidst escalating global demands for the reform of laws and practices that entrench racial discrimination and social inequality, including drug policies. Last year, IDPC – together with dozens of other civil society and community organisations – called on you to issue a statement on International Human Rights Day urging Member States to change drug laws and practices that undermine health and human rights. A year later, we ask you to seize this day as an opportunity to show UNODC´s alignment with other UN entities in calling for an end to drug policies and practices that perpetuate inequality and discrimination, and violate human rights.

For decades, punitive drug policies have driven widespread human rights abuses, as has been amply documented by the UN. These include the death penalty for drug offences; extrajudicial killings; arbitrary detention, often masquerading as ‘rehabilitation’; the denial of access to life-saving harm reduction services; widespread barriers to accessing controlled medicines for pain relief; the criminalisation of people who use drugs, subsistence farmers and others groups in situations of vulnerability; corporal punishment; and mass incarceration. In all of these cases, draconian drug policies have disproportionately affected people marginalised on the basis of their gender, race, ethnicity, and economic status, thus entrenching inequality and discrimination.

Along 2021, a broad range of UN entities called on Member States to reform drug policies with discriminatory outcomes. In June 2021, the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention released a landmark study on arbitrary detention and drug polices, which found that ´

the war on drugs may be understood to a significant extent as a war on people. Its impact is often greatest on those who are poor, but also frequently overlaps with discrimination in law enforcement directed at vulnerable groups

´. At the same time, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights published a new ‘Agenda towards transformative change for racial justice and equality´, highlighting that ´

The discriminatory application of criminal law must be tackled at every stage, including by reforming drug-related policies

´. The High Commissioner´s proposal led to Human Rights Council Resolution 47/21, which contains key commitments to uproot systemic racism in the law enforcement and criminal justice systems. The Political Declaration on HIV and AIDS, adopted in June 2021, also showcased the international community´s commitment to ending inequalities as a step towards ending AIDS. Lastly, the new UN system Common Position on Incarceration, led by UNODC in partnership with other UN entities, notes ‘

the overrepresentation of minority and marginalized groups among prisoners, many of whom are charged with petty and nonviolent offences

support reform efforts aimed at ensuring proportionate and individualized sentencing and alternatives to conviction or punishment in appropriate cases, including for minor drug-related offences

These various commitments emerging across the United Nations are aligned with the 2018 Chief Executives Board’s UN System Common Position on drug-related matters, which makes clear that ‘

should be designed and implemented by States in accordance with their human rights obligations

’, and commits all UN agencies, including UNODC, to support drug policies ‘

that put people, health, and human rights at the centre

Similar human rights concerns have been highlighted in the just-released Global Drug Policy Index, which measures and ranks the national drug policies of 30 countries according to how well they align with the UN system Common Position on Drugs and its Task Team report of March 2019.

The theme of the 2021 International Human Rights Day is ‘Equality: Reducing inequalities, advancing human rights’, and is aimed at ´

addressing and finding solutions for deep-rooted forms of discrimination that have affected the most vulnerable people in societies

´. As such, it presents a crucial opportunity for UNODC to align itself with other UN entities in calling for the end of policies that perpetuate inequality and discrimination, while highlighting its commitment to the promotion of human rights, in line with the UN system Common Positions.

It is in this context that we urge you to issue a strong statement on International Human Rights Day, calling on states to change the drug laws, policies and practices that violate health and human rights, and entrench inequality. To be credible, such a statement should explicitly acknowledge the disproportionate impact of drug laws and drug control on people marginalised on the basis of their gender, race, ethnicity, and economic status, and urge Member States to:

Abolish the death penalty in all circumstances. Imposing capital punishment for drug offences has been found to be contrary to international human rights law by the Human Rights Committee, and the Human Rights Council.

Put an immediate end to extrajudicial killings committed in the name of drug control, as has been repeatedly called for by the Human Rights Council and UN human rights experts.

Permanently close compulsory drug detention centres, including those that masquerade as ‘rehabilitation’, and implement voluntary, evidence-informed, and rights-based health and social services, as recently called for by sixteen UN agencies, including UNODC.

Stress the urgent need to provide accessible, affordable, and adequately funded harm reduction services in community and closed settings, to fulfil the right to health and the right to life of people who use drugs, as demanded by several UN human rights bodies and experts. This is also central to UNODC’s core role as lead UNAIDS co-sponsor regarding prisons and HIV amongst people who use drugs.

Take immediate measures to address prison overcrowding, as already recommended by UNODC and the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, by promoting alternatives to incarceration, and ensuring proportionate sentencing for all drug offences, including by taking into account mitigating factors – in line with the basic principle that prisons should only be used as a last resort in all circumstances.

Ensure that people who use drugs are not subject to arbitrary detention, torture, or ill-treatment – whether in state custody or public or private drug services. While under detention, people with a drug dependence or health problems associated with their drug use must be offered evidence-based treatment, harm reduction and other drug services on a strictly voluntary basis.

Promote the end of all punishment for drug use, and drug possession and cultivation for personal use, as permitted within the three drug control conventions. Such policy shifts will help to end the stigma, criminalisation, and exclusion faced by people who use drugs, and to facilitate access to health and social services, as called for by the UN system Common Position, UNAIDS, and UN human rights bodies.

Make sure that drug policies incorporate a gender-sensitive perspective. This should be done by tailoring drug services to the specific needs of women, and by ensuring that criminal laws take into account the circumstances of women involved in drug offences, as most of them come from backgrounds of poverty, marginalisation, and oppression.

Clearly outline the ways in which UNODC will work to achieve these changes, and the measures being taken to ensure that human rights are effectively embedded as a core strand for all of the Office’s work.

As the lead UN agency in drug-related matters, UNODC has the responsibility to promote drug policies that respect, protect, and fulfil human rights, in a way that is consistent with the standards developed by the UN system, and in line with the commitments set in the UN system Common Positions on drugs and on incarceration. A strong statement in the forthcoming International Human Rights Day would be an important and welcome step to signal UNODC’s unequivocal commitment.

We look forward to discussing these concerns and recommendations with you.

NGOs urge UNODC's Executive Director to mark Human Rights Day with a call to reform drug policies that entrench inequality

In 1961, the Member States of the United Nations set themselves a goal to eliminate illegal opium production by 1979 and that of cannabis and coca by 1989. In 1998, they proclaimed to be ready to achieve a world without drugs within 10 years. Meanwhile, the use of illicit substances has increased at twice the rate of the world population, and today production and trafficking of drugs are completely out of control. Sixty years of prohibitionist policies and the War on Drugs have caused more damages than those caused by the substances themselves in sanitary, social, criminal, environmental and economic terms. The webinar will address the historical background of the UN Conventions on narcotics and will look at the future of drug policy with experts and activists from around the world. Register for the event
https://www.fuoriluogo.it/epicfail

 Chairman: Marco Perduca, Science for Democracy 5 min
6 pm CET International Conventions and the global drug control system
- Grazia Zuffa Chair of la Società della Ragione 10 min
- Martin Jelsma Programme Director Drugs & Democracy Transnational Institute – TNI - 15 min
6:30 pm CET The impact of global drug policies
- Looking back at the past 5 years of UNGASS implementation: What have we achieved Marie Nougier Head of Research and Communications International Drug Policy Consortium - IDPC
- Science, research, access to drugs - 10 minutes Prof. Francisco Thoumi former Member of the International Narcotics Control Board
- Drug Policies and Human Rights - 10 minutes Rebecca Schleifer, JD, MPH, international human rights consultant - 10 minutes
- Drug policies and Law Enforcement Neil Woods Board Member at Law Enforcement Action Partnership - LEAP - 10 minutes

Drugs: 60 years of an EPIC FAIL?

ROME — Growing small amounts of marijuana at home for private use is not a crime, Italy’s top court has ruled, putting an end to a yearslong legal dispute and adding Italy to the short list of countries to allow cultivation of recreational cannabis.

A 1990s law prohibits the cultivation and sale of marijuana in Italy, but conflicting court decisions, and a 2016 amendment that opened a loophole in the law, created confusion over how it should be interpreted.

The country’s highest court appears to have settled at least part of the question, writing in a one-page statement of its findings that “at home, small-scale cultivation activities are to be considered excluded from the application of the penal code.”

The judges produced the document on Dec. 19 and it was first publicized on Thursday by the news agency AGI. A full, detailed ruling remains weeks or months away, so the court’s complete reasoning has not been made public.

Among the unanswered questions is how much cannabis qualifies as “small-scale cultivation,” but the ruling stemmed from a case in which the defendant had two plants.

Growing a little marijuana at home is not a crime, Italy’s top court says

The NAHRPP project (New Approaches in Harm Reduction Policies and Practices) is a joint project of the Transnational Institute (TNI), based in the Netherlands, ICEERS (Spain), Forum Droghe (Italy) and Diogenis (Greece), supported by the European Union. The project addresses recent drug policy developments in Europe. One section of this project, led by TNI, is focused on the role of local authorities in cannabis regulation. Local and regional authorities across Europe are confronted with the negative consequences of a persisting illicit cannabis market. Increasingly, local and regional authorities, non-governmental pressure groups and grassroots movements are advocating for regulation of the recreational cannabis market, rather than prohibition. This project analyses the possibility of cannabis market regulation models, alongside political, policy, and legal steps under exploration by local authorities in Belgium, Spain, Switzerland, Germany, Denmark and the Netherlands. It is hoped that the information collected through this initiative will help to improve the understanding of regulating drug markets as a means to reduce the negative consequences of illicit drug markets on individuals and society. In order to better understand the situation around, and possibilities for, local and regional cannabis regulation, a series of six country reports were developed, providing background for an overarching analytical report. The country reports provide detailed information about the state of cannabis policy, and the possibilities for change, within each country. These reports address the past, present, and future of cannabis policy domestically accross the EU.

Cannabis regulation in Europe - Country reports

In 2019, February more than 40 womxn from Europe and Central Asia met in Barcelona to work together on intersectional feminism, drug policy, harm reduction and human rights, where the Barcelona Declaration was initiated. If you/ your organization would like to support the Declaration, please complete the form below.

On International Women’s Day 2019, we declare that the War On Drugs is a war on Womxn Who Use Drugs

The War On Drugs is racist, sexist, classist and heterosexist, and disproportionately affects womxn of colour, youth and womxn in poor communities.

As womxn, trans and gender non-conforming people surviving this war, we reject the widespread stigma, discrimination and criminalisation we face in our daily lives. We call for complete reform and transformation of the current system of prohibition. We call for an end to the ignorant and negative rhetoric.

Drug treatment services are gendered, classed, sexualised and racialised. Drug ‘treatment’ itself is based on spurious and outdated research, and allows unbridled and unregulated power over the individual. We reject these methods and the ideologies underpinning them.

Global and systemic oppressions violate our rights, as womxn, trans and gender non-conforming people who use drugs, and situate us in multiple, interconnected, vulnerable positions, which lead to numerous harms:

As womxn who inject drugs, we have a higher prevalence of HIV and Hepatitis than men. Despite this, we don’t appear in data and endure discrimination and exclusion from social and health services. The few resources we have tend to be masculinised and inaccessible as well as often not meeting our needs, interests or expectations.

We are disproportionately impacted by structural violence and social control from the State (policing, limited access to legal aid, extortion, long prison sentences, rape, extrajudicial murder and capital punishment).

The majority of womxn in prison are sentenced for non-violent drug related offences. Womxn of colour, ethnic minorities, non-binary or trans, and the homeless are particularly targeted. In several countries, we face detention in compulsory, unregulated ‘treatment” centres , often for indefinite periods with little or no access to judicial processes. Incarceration in closed settings creates a context for increased human rights violations, such as rape and extortion.

We often experience endemic violence and exclusion within our own communities and families. Not only are we more likely to be assaulted by our partners, but we are less likely to have recourse to justice and protection

We suffer intrusion into our bodily and physical integrity, maternal and family life and domestic space. We face routine violations of our sexual and reproductive health rights, by both community and state such as coerced sterilization and pregnancy termination.

Stigma that assumes womxn who use drugs cannot take care of their children and misinformation on the effects of drug use feeds into strong pressures to end pregnancy. When we don’t terminate our pregnancies, there’s a strong possibility we will lose custody of our children.

Those of us who are sex workers, and especially trans womxn and womxn living with disabilities cope with an unacceptable and compounded web of stigma, discrimination and social exclusion.

Despite living with these and other multiple forms of violence daily, Womxn Fighting back Against the War On Drugs are resourceful, enterprising, creative and strong. We possess remarkable resilience. We fight back against prohibition with solidarity, mutual support and leadership, building our networks from the grassroots to the global, from immediate action to long-term strategies to end this war on womxn who use drugs. We embrace intersectional and anti-prohibitionist feminism that integrated queer/trans-inclusive and non-ableist approaches, racial justice and the right to use drugs and experience pleasure. We work to reclaim our bodily sovereignty, including rights to the full range of sexual and reproductive health, gender-sensitive health services, and rights to use drugs. We do not ask for charity but for solidarity. We demand to live in safety and freedom.

This declaration is an invitation to join forces with womxn like us, womxn who demand an end to the War on Drugs and the negative impact it has on all our lives.

“Let us all cause some trouble and begin to change the world with and for women who use drugs with our powerful conceptual armaments in hand

Our bodies – our choice, our rights, our voice.

The Barcelona declaration

The inclusion of civil society in the development and implementation of drug policies is widely recognised as being critically important. Civil society input can provide added context to policy considerations, giving policy makers access to a greater range of insights and information, and can support the popular legitimacy of policy actions. In short, a structured and formal civil society involvement (CSI) in policy arenas can better equip states to plan, implement and measure policy initiatives, thus directly contributing to national and EU drugs strategy objectives. However, states and civil society organisations (CSOs) do not always have ready access to good quality information on how this can be best achieved.

This is the challenge that this document is directed at assisting with. This is a ‘Road Map’ for civil society involvement in drug policy. It is directed at both policy makers and CSOs, and its main objective is to provide guidance through the different steps of developing and implementing effective and sustainable civil society structures in the field of drug policy on the local, regional and national level, as informed by the best available evidence. It is hoped that CSOs and policy makers will find it useful in planning and developing CSI in their countries.

Forum Droghe

Region

Translations

Related Content